Today, our republic is
in danger, and the fate
of the presidential
election is of great
importance. The
elections could be the
end of the Beirut Spring
and the return of
Lebanon to what it was
during the past three
decades - a region of
violence that succumbs
to the illusions of some
Lebanese and the
interests of some
foreign countries. This
situation can be found
now in the Gaza Strip,
which is, according to
the resistance, subject
to an Inquisition.
Abiding by the
principles of the Beirut
Spring, the presidential
election could also
contribute to the
transformation of
Lebanon into a country
in which its people
enjoy living and into
one whose government is
capable of handling its
responsibilities.
Moreover, this
presidential election is
taking place in the
presence of strong
divisions in the country
that go beyond mere
democratic competition
over power and the
running of the
government toward a
controversy over the
nature, balance and
values system of the
government. It is, first
of all, a disagreement
over the government, its
Constitution and its
national pact - the Taif
Accord.
This is shown through
the following:
A call to look again
into the Taif Accord and
the Constitution in
order to let the
president regain the
power and rights he had
before the Taif Accord
and to replace the
Shiite-Sunni-Christian
triangle in the
government with the
equal sharing among
Muslims and Christians
that formed the essence
of a historical
settlement between the
Lebanese at the end of a
prolonged war.
The allegation that
participation in a
sectarian pact will give
a predominantly
sectarian political
party the chance and
right to use and
maintain its sect as a
veto against the
government, to remove
legitimacy from all
constitutional
institutions, to close
the Parliament down, to
hinder presidential
elections and to resort
to the streets.
Second of all, the
disagreement lies in
sovereignty and
independence:
Between those who want
to reach sovereignty and
independence through
democratic means and
constitutional
operations and by
relying on the right of
the Lebanese to
determine their
political destiny
themselves and to resort
to the power of the
national law and their
Arab legitimacy.
Between those who want
presidential elections
as a gateway to the days
of the Syrian tutelage,
a termination of the UN
Special Tribunal for
Lebanon, and keeping
Lebanon an open
battlefield for other
countries which hide
behind pretentious goals
and threats of chaos and
discord and stand in
line with the bloody
wars that the Syrian
regime is waging on
Lebanon.
The third disagreement
is on the meaning of
what a president is and
of his role:
Between a president who
is capable of spreading
reconciliation among the
Lebanese and uniting
them while preserving
their diversity and
uniqueness at the same
time. He will be capable
of convincing the
Lebanese first, and then
the Arab region and
other international
countries of the
importance of the
experiences of the
Lebanese in the world.
He will have a strong
grip on the pacts and
Constitution of his
people and their
government, in addition
to national and
international treaties
and decisions. He will
know how to recruit and
put Lebanon's resources
to good, balanced and
peaceful use. He will
also know how to avoid
wars with other
countries on his own
territories. He will be
a president who will not
only represent Lebanese
Christians in the
government, but also the
role of Arab Christians
in laying out a future
of unity and
togetherness.
Between a "consensus"
president who will give
the Syrian regime a
chance to become a
partner in Lebanon's
decision-making or who
will take Lebanon to a
stage of uncertainty
because there will be no
agreement between the
government and other
countries; between the
right of the Lebanese to
settle down and their
actual lack of a home;
between the constant
presence of war and
standing in the face of
Arab countries instead
of belonging to the Arab
world; between the
freedom of our land and
the return of Israel to
our country day-by-day;
between the sovereignty
of Lebanon and the
return of the Syrian
regime to rule the
country; between the
victory of the
Palestinian cause and
the refusal of permanent
settlement and
partition; between
promoting the
Palestinian people's
legal right to establish
an independent state on
their own territory.
Last but not least, the
disagreement lies in the
concepts related to the
Lebanese values system:
Between a way of living
that is based on
pluralism and openness
to education and
interaction and a call
to divide the world into
two hemispheres: good
and evil, belief and
heretics, governed by
conflicts and
civilizations, religions
and cultures!
Between the nature of
the Lebanese to
continuously rise and
seek prosperity and
satisfaction by avoiding
filth!
Between respect for
national law by
considering it a huge
value of humanity and a
stronghold of their
well-being and the call
to despise this law and
its institutions!
Between raising children
on the basis of peace
and unity and the idea
of worshipping violence
and refusing those who
are different!
Between their faith that
religion is God and the
country is for everyone
and the allegiance of
some to abuse religion
in order to put their
opponents in a bad
light!
Between the Lebanese's
respect for victims and
their accusation of the
culprit, and their call
to categorize victims
and culprits based on
political views, where
we have reached the
conclusion that there
are good and bad victims
and culprits!
Between political speech
that aims at convincing
the enemy and a
political speech that
aims at "symbolically
killing him" by
intimidating him which
eventually leads to
literally killing him!
Between a real effort
put in by the Lebanese
during the past 15 years
to overcome war and
purify the mind of bad
memories, and to promote
"selective memory" which
only remembers the
atrocities of the war!
This disagreement among
the Lebanese is based on
issues that are not free
of an international
struggle that is
occurring on the
precipice of a huge
conflagration.
Therefore, the solution
to this is for the
Lebanese to perform
their duties and follow
their faith by not
participating in this
explosion or its
aftermath. They should
also help make the
presidential election a
gateway to protect the
republic and spread
peace among its people.
This should be done by
placing a priority on
Lebanese interests such
as independence and
sovereignty, democracy
and a values system.
This is the essential
meaning of the "Lebanonization"
of the presidential
election.
This appeal is signed by
the names below and is
directed to the
following:
To the Lebanese
opposition so that it
will be Lebanese,
democratic and peaceful
without expressing any
conditions given from
outside the Lebanese
Republic or which are a
threat to the safety of
the Lebanese people.
To the Lebanese majority
so that it will remain
united with its loyalty
toward the struggle for
independence and the
martyrs of independence.
To the Lebanese
Christians who should
preserve the essence of
their message according
to the principles put
forth in the Christian
Synod.
To the Lebanese Muslims
so that they will always
stick to their message
which is to remain close
and avoid any clashes.
To the Arab countries
because their protection
of Lebanon is a
condition for protecting
the peace project and
the balance of the Arab
countries and was
expressed through the
Beirut Summit in 2002
and the Riyadh Appeal in
2007.
To the international
community in order to
say that protecting
Lebanese sovereignty
represents a great test
in international
nobility.
Those who signed below
direct their appeal to
all those concerned with
defending the republic
and its independence,
and they call them to
participate in creating
a collaborative Forum of
Independence and the
Republic in order to
continue working on:
Strengthening the
independence of the
country and protect it
by considering it a
continuous governmental
plan.
Constructing an
independent government
and a new democratic
republic, intertwined
with the reality and
potential of its people
and open to the rest of
the world.
Signed: Ahmad
Mattar (social
activist), Edward Zoghbi
(poet and journalist),
Arstid Dragtsy
(accountant), Asaad al-Raie
(NGO activist), Iskandar
Beiruti (banker), Asma
Andraous (NGO activist),
Ashraf Shahrour
(activist), Elsa Qordahi
(university student),
Sheikh Yassin Siblany,
Sheikh Rizk Mokdad,
Sheikh Mohammad-Ali
Hajj, Elias Zoghby
(lawyer, journalist),
Aline Prince( lawyer),
Amal Zein(designer),
Emile Saade(engineer)
Antoine al- Hashem (NGO
activist), Antoine Amin
Kiwan (businessman),
Antoine Kurban(teacher),
Antoine Kiwan(lawyer),
Anwar Abu Khalil(mayor),
Ignasse Mouawad
(university professor),
Ayad Nasser al-Dine (
engineer), Elie Doueihi
(university student),
Elie Ayoub (lawyer),
Elie Khoury(promoter),
Elie Abi Saed
(engineer), Ayoub Barek
(teacher), Badih Hobeish
(banker), Badih
Moukarzel (lawyer),
Bassam Hajjar (writer),
Bassam Khoury(
administrator), Bassam
Tohme (university
professor), Bachir
Haidar(university
professor), Beshara al-Khoury(businessman),
Beshara Torbay (lawyer),
Bachir Doueihy
(university student),
Boutros Mouawad
(environmental
activist), Bilal Khbeiz
(writer), Bahjat Salameh
(NGO activist), Paul
Shaoul (writer), Paul
Mourany(economist),
Pierre Khadra (lawyer),
Pierre Aql (journalist),
Tawfic Mhanna (teacher),
Jad Akhawi (journalist),
Jad Ayoub (university
student), Jad Haddad
(banker), Jean
Beshara(teacher), Jean
Harb (lawyer), Jean
Franjiyeh (engineer),
Jean-Claude Komeid
(banker), Jabbour
Doueihi (writer and
university professor),
Gerges Dagher (retired
general), Jalil al-Hashem
(journalist), Jamil Dib
(university student),
Jihad Taha(journalist),
Jihad Arayji (lawyer),
Georges Drouby
(teacher), Joseph Fadel
(professor), Joseph
Karam (administrator),
Joseph Nemnom (engineer)
Gilbert Najjar
(businessman), Hareth
Suleiman (university
professor), Habib Kresht
(cultural activist),
Hassan Bzeih (engineer),
Hassan Mohsen
(industrialist), Hussein
Jaafar (union member),
Hussein Hamiye (social
activist), Hussein Khodr
Abu Bakr (union member),
Hussein Daher
(engineer), Hayat Msheik
(social activist),
Khaled al-Taki (computer
programmer), Khaled al-Araybi
(activist), Khaled al-Hashem
(engineer), Khaled
Ghazal(lawyer), Khalil
Daoud (company
administrator), Khalil
Zahr al-Dine (engineer),
Darine Bayan (social
activist), Dyala Yafi
(designer), Dib Sherfan
(lawyer), Rami Maalouf
(engineer), Raed Hani
(banker), Rabih
al-Sheikh (economist),
Rustom Souaybi
(administrator), Rasha
al-Amin(writer), Rafik
Doumit (lawyer), Rita
Beshara(lawyer), Rima
Sabban (university
professor), Rima Torbey
(environmental
activist), Raymond
Maalouf (engineer and
retired general) Zaher
Hrayke (businessman),
Ziad Kedo (lawyer), Zein
Hajj Hassan (teacher),
Zeina Riz (journalist),
Zeina Beaini (activist),
Sami Chamoun (lawyer),
Sami Nader (economist)
Srar Hany (university
professor), Saed Kiwan
(journalist), Selman
Makary (activist),
Simaan Iskandar
(lawyer), Samir
Frangiyeh (MP), Souheil
Bejjany (engineer),
Cezar Nammour (art
critic), Shahin Khoury
(university professor),
Shehadeh Saqr
(administrator), Charbel
Abu Eid (administrator),
Shawky Dagher (lawyer),
Shawky Azoury (doctor),
Sherine Abdallah
(journalist), Sadek Abi
Nassif (social
activist), Safaa Hmaydan
(lawyer), Salah Bakri
(lawyer), Tarek Shebly
(engineer), Tanios Wehbe
(social activist),
Tannous Qordahy(engineer),
Tannous Nassar (school
director), Toubia
Attallah(administrator),
Tony Saade (economist),
Tony al-Khawaja (social
activist), Tony Salameh
(general manager), Tony
Salloum (doctor), Tony
Tohme (businessman),
Tony Fares
(administrator), Tony
Saadeh (businessman),
Adel Sassine (retired
general) , Adel Aql
(doctor), Abad al-Sokhn
(hospital manager), Abed
al-Rahman Mouqadem
(businessman), Abdallah
Husheimi (lawyer),
Abdallah Khoury
(administrator),
Abdallah Zakhya
(lawyer), Abdallah
Musallem (lawyer), Adnan
Basma (doctor), Issam
Aqil (social activist),
Oula Shahine (social
activist), Ali al-Diqa
(teacher), Ali Attar
(teacher), Ali Ballout
(professor), Ali Obeid
(university student),
Ali Murad (social
activist), Imad Jamal
al-Dine (social
activist), Omar Khaled
(doctor), Ghassan Ayoub
(administrator) Ghassan
Jawad (poet and writer),
Ghassan Dakkashe
(teacher), Ghassan Njeim
(retired general),
Ghaith Shamas (social
activist), Fadi al-Zein
(businessman), Fadi
Beshara (lawyer), Fadi
Toufayli (poet and
writer), Fares Soueid
(doctor and former MP)
Farouk Jabr
(industrialist), Fatmah
Mawla (social activist)
Francois al-Dahdah
(engineer) Fadlallah
Yazbek (union member),
Fadil Adhamy (retired
officer), Fouad Karam
(contractor), Fawzi
Hrayki (former head of
Tripoli's Order of
Physicians), Philip
Saeed (doctor), Qassem
Tleiss (human rights
activist), Qayssar
Bassil (engineer) Carla
al-Hajez (teacher),
Carmen Zougheib (public
relations), Kamal a-
Zouki (lawyer), Camille
Hawa (artist), Camille
Naccache (lawyer), Kosty
Issa (lawyer), Lokman
Salim (publisher), Laura
al-Bozz (university
student), Mary Christine
Mourany (school
director), Malek Mroue
(journalist), Mayla
Bakhash (consultant),
Mohammad Abi Raad (human
rights activist),
Mohammad al-Azir
(businessman), Mohammad
Hussein Shamessedine
(writer), Mohammad Rida
(doctor), Mohammad
Shebbo (university
student), Mohammad
Shreim (administrator),
Mohammad Oujaj (lawyer),
Mohammad Assaf
(teacher), Mohammad
Qabalan (teacher),
Mohammad Matar (lawyer),
Mohammad Nassar
(doctor), Mukhtar Haydar
(social activist),
Marwan Hamadeh
(businessman), Marwan
Karam (banker), Manuel
Torbey (financial
consultant), Mona Fayyad
(professor), Maha Aoun
(journalist), Maurice
Faddoul (lawyer), Moussa
Khoury (lawyer), Mayyad
Haydar (lawyer),
Mireille al-Khoury
(administrator), Michel
Abu Abdallah (doctor),
Michel Beiruti
(engineer), Michel Hajjy
Georgio (journalist),
Michel Meiky
(professor), Michel
Khoury (activist),
Michel Youssef al-Khoury(lawyer),
Nasser Farran (doctor),
Nancy Dagher (social
activist), Nayef Rifat
al Masry(social
activist), Nayla Ayoub
(lawyer), Nabil Bayhum
(professor), Nabil
Khalife (researcher),
Nabil Younes (interior
designer), Najem al-Hashem
(anchor), Nada Abu Samra
(lawyer), Nada Maatouk
(activist), Nadim
Hokayem (businessman),
Nadim Shehadeh
(researcher), Nadim
Kteish (writer), Nazih
Darwish (researcher),
Nassir al Asaad
(journalist), Nahalin
Dib (social activist),
Nawal al-Meoushi (legal
expert), Hadi al-Amin
(university student),
Hady Saeed (lawyer),
Hani Kallo (engineer),
Wajih Kawtharany
(historian), Wissam
Saade (writer), Wassim
abu Rish (university
student), Walid Abboud
(presenter), Yehya
Jabber (poet and
writer), Yousef al-Zein
(businessman), Yousef
Bazzi (writer and poet)
